USADI Dispatch

A weekly Publication of the US Alliance for Democratic Iran

Volume 2, Issue 4

Thursday, January 27, 2005

 

Weekly Commentary


Freedom for Iran is the “Calling of our time”


President Bush last week captivated many nations under the yoke of tyranny by his visionary articulation of a compelling case for expansion of liberty. “The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world,” he said.


For those who have been tirelessly advancing the cause of democracy in the trenches of the struggle for freedom, President Bush’s words had strong resonance, more so in Iran than anywhere else.

 

Iranians probably have their doubts if this were just another great inspiring inauguration speech followed by business-as usual. And that would be understandable. For many years, while pledging support for freedom and human rights, America sided with oppressors of Iranians under the pretext of the Cold War geo-strategic realpolitik or appeased the turbaned tyrants under the mirage of cultivating change within the regime. This time, however, Iranians could be more optimistic.

 
President Bush stressed, “It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.”


Given the mullahs’ subjugation of Iranians at home, and the long list of global and regional threats posed by this outlaw regime, Iran and Iranians must be the focus of this policy.


Acknowledging the past errors in U.S. foreign policy that viewed support for human rights in “distant lands” contrary to its interest, the President said, “America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one… Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation's security, and the calling of our time.”


A much ignored reality of the nature of tyrannies is that, driven by necessity of preserving their rule, they embark on expanding their lethal and destructive potential beyond their borders. More than just a choice, export of terror and fundamentalism for Tehran rulers is a survival imperative.


Appreciating this fact, President Bush said in his speech, “For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny - prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder - violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat.”


By far, more efficient than any sanctions, naval blockades, or military strikes, the rulers of Iran are susceptible to the yearning of Iranians for freedom and their resistance to end this reign of terror. As Mr. Bush articulated, “There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.”


This is the true strategic leverage Washington has over the mullahs, not sanctions or commerce. The ludicrous idea that we can dissuade them by an economic and commerce incentive package is either a dangerous diction or utter ignorance of the nature of the clerical regime. It is tantamount to cowardice submission to Tehran’s potential for terror and destruction and a sign of despicable gluttony for trade with a regime whose coffers are used to finance its machinery of terror and WMD.


Iran’s ruling mullahs have failed to quell Iranians’ yearning for liberty. Left to their own devices, however, the mullahs will never stop suppressing Iranians, closing down their torture chambers and dismantling the gallows. Therefore, Iranians’ resistance movement for freedom must be empowered to tear down this wall of suppression.


Last week President Bust pledged that “America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.” Addressing those “who live in tyranny” he said: “The United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.”


But beyond an inspiring and visionary oration, President Bush’s speech must be the framework for a much-anticipated policy toward Tehran where specific practical measures for diplomatic and political support and empowering Iran’s democratic opposition movement seeking regime change are articulated.


President Bush said, “Liberty will come to those who love it.” We may humbly add, “Liberty will come to those who love it and struggle for it”. “Freedom now” for Iran is the true “calling of our time.” (USADI)
 

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International Herald Tribune
January 28, 2005
Empower Iran's opposition forces


By Maryam Rajavi
PARIS - How should the world deal with the challenges posed by the Iranian regime, with its continuing support for terrorism, increasing meddling in Iraq and relentless pursuit of nuclear weapons? Approaches under debate range from engagement, with the hope of empowering the "moderates," to military invasion. But the best option is to initiate change through the Iranian people and the organized resistance movement.
There is no need for war; no one would want to see an Iraq II played out in Iran. But engagement, which has shaped policy toward Iran on both sides of the Atlantic for two decades, has been a disaster, strengthening the most radical factions of the ruling theocracy…


But there is another answer: democracy…


As a first step in that direction, Western governments must not assist the ruling theocracy. And that means removing the terrorist tag that has been put on the People's Mujahedeen Organization. The group is the pivotal force in the largest Iranian opposition coalition, the National Council of Resistance, which has revealed Tehran's nuclear, missile and terrorist plans.

 
In 1997, the U.S. State Department placed the People's Mujahedeen on the list of foreign terrorist organizations as a goodwill gesture to Khatami, who was Iran's new president. But after a 16-month investigation in Iraq, where the group has had a presence on the Iranian frontier for 18 years, the United States determined that its members were "protected persons under the Fourth Geneva Convention" and that there was no basis to charge any of them.


Over the years, many U.S. Congressmen and their counterparts in Europe, citing the group's widespread popular and religious roots in Iran, have described the People's Mujahedeen as a legitimate resistance movement and the antithesis to Islamic fundamentalism, stressing that it should be removed from the terror list. In November, the International Conference of Jurists, a convention of 500 human-rights lawyers in Paris, declared that blacklisting the organization was a violation of the European Convention on Human Rights, the fundamental right to defense and the presumption of innocence.


The Iranian resistance is committed to holding free and fair elections within six months of regime change, to electing a constituent assembly and handing over affairs to the people's elected representatives. It seeks a peaceful Iran without weapons of mass destruction, on good terms with its neighbors and dedicated to friendship with the world community.


More than fifty years after the coup that toppled the elected government of Mohammed Mossadegh, fate has again put America at a historic crossroads. This time, unlike in 1953, the United States must identify itself with the Iranian people and their aspirations for freedom, democracy and a secular state. Only such an approach can guarantee lasting peace and stability in the Middle East.

Excerpts from an article by Maryam Rajavi, president of the National Council of Resistance of Iran
 

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Daily Telegraph (UK) - Editorial
January 22, 2005

It wouldn't take a war to overthrow Iran's mullahs


We can be sloppy in our approach to foreign affairs. Because of their geographical and alphabetical proximity, we tend to bracket Iran and Iraq together.

 
You will hear even politicians and television presenters committing the solecism of describing Iranians as Arabs. It is imprecision of this kind that is clouding the debate over the proper response to the mullahs.


There is a superficial resemblance between the Axis of Evil duo. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's Iran, like Saddam's Iraq, is a tyranny, silencing dissent and imprisoning its opponents.


It has been linked to numerous terrorist attacks, as far afield as London and Buenos Aires. It has ordered monstrous human rights violations at home, including the execution of teenage girls and the show-trials of Jews.

 
Whereas our knowledge of Iraq's weapons programme depended on guesswork, we have concrete evidence that Iran is equipping itself with a nuclear capability.

 
Two years ago, Iran deployed Shahab-3 ballistic missiles, with a range of 800 miles. At the same time, it was found to be making enriched uranium.

 
On current trends, Iran will have the bomb by 2008. Why, then, does President Bush not pursue the same policy that he followed in Iraq? Because, beneath these facile similarities, the two states are very different…


Whereas there was no chance of creating a functioning democracy in Iraq without direct intervention, there is reason to hope that, given the opportunity, Iranians would shake off their theocracy and join the modern world.

 
How might we catalyze such a revolution? In three ways.

 
First, we should cease our dealings with the mullahs. EU countries, in contrast to the Americans, have pursued a policy of "constructive engagement" with Teheran, exchanging state visits and sending Jack Straw on repeated visits. (Iranians take Britain especially seriously, perhaps imagining that we are still the power we were when we last occupied their country in 1941.)


That policy is now in shreds, as Iran's nuclear program nears completion.

 
Second, we should give financial and political assistance to dissidents inside the country.


Third, we should back the main resistance group, the People's Mujahidin, which, until recently, we treated as a terrorist organization in order to appease Khamenei….
 

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The Washington Times
January 26, 2005
Iran filling political vacuum?


By Ilan Berman
Who's in charge of Palestinian politics? Following his commanding performance in the January 11th Palestinian presidential elections, officials in Washington and Jerusalem are looking to Mahmoud Abbas, Yasser Arafat's successor as head of the Palestinian Authority (PA), as their new political counterpart -- and potential peace partner. Yet alarming signs suggest that the biggest beneficiary of the political changes now taking place in the Palestinian Territories might just turn out to be the Islamic Republic of Iran.


An Iranian foothold in the West Bank and Gaza Strip is certainly not a new development. Both directly and through their terrorist intermediaries in Lebanon, Iran's ayatollahs have been meddling in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for years. But the death of Yasser Arafat, and the political vacuum that has emerged in the wake of the Palestinian strongman's passing, have laid the groundwork for even greater Iranian infiltration of Palestinian politics.


Signs of this expanding influence are already visible. Over the past two years, Iran's ayatollahs have provided substantial resources to their most potent terrorist proxy, Hezbollah, in order to increase the Lebanese militia's presence in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.…


Iran is also increasing its leverage among the Palestinian Authority's Islamist factions. Over the past two years, Israel's successes against Hamas have led the group to seek an accommodation with Hezbollah, signing an unexpected strategic accord in March of 2004 to cement Hezbollah's--and Iran's--influence over the most prominent terrorist organization in the Palestinian territories…


When he was in charge of Palestinian politics, Yasser Arafat found this sort of activity troubling enough to publicly oppose it. Back in October, for example, the PLO chairman himself took the unprecedented step of denouncing the Islamic Republic's meddling…
Now, however, the Palestinian Authority's various factions -- jockeying for political position in the West Bank and Gaza Strip --have begun serious efforts to curry favor with the Islamic Republic…


All this suggests that American and Israeli policymakers could be asking the wrong questions. In the wake of Mr. Abbas' electoral victory, both countries have begun to debate the new Palestinian leader's reformist credentials, as well as his ability to resume real peace negotiations with Israel. But, given the growing inroads Iran is making in the West Bank and Gaza, a more important issue might be the plans for the Palestinian Authority now being laid in Tehran.

Ilan Berman, is Vice President for Policy at the American Foreign Policy Council in Washington and author of the forthcoming "Tehran Rising: Iran's Challenge to the United States."

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The US Alliance for Democratic Iran (USADI), is a US-based, non-profit, independent organization, which promotes informed policy debate, exchange of ideas, analysis, research and education to advance a US  policy on Iran which will benefit America’s interests, both at home and in the Middle East, through supporting Iranian people’s  aspirations for a democratic, secular, and peaceful government, free of tyranny, fundamentalism, weapons of mass destruction, and terrorism.

 

USADI supports the Iranian peoples' aspirations for democracy, peace,  human rights, women’s equality, freedom of expression, separation of  church and state, self-determination, control of land and resources,  cultural integrity, and the right to development and prosperity.

 

The USADI is not affiliated with any government agencies, political groups or parties. The USADI administration is solely responsible for its activities and decisions.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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